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As US Decides to Stop Stirring Up Hornet’s Nest in Syria #SyriaWar

As US Decides to Stop Stirring Up Hornet’s Nest in Syria <a class="hashtagger" href="">#SyriaWar</a>

When Condoleezza Rice was talking about a new world order and suggesting that borders reminiscent of the 1916 Sykes–Picot Agreement were doomed to change and civilian and military pundits were penning down articles about new states would be carved out from existing states in the Middle East and North Africa, no one perhaps was envisioning what a dangerous Pandora’s Box was opening up… Worse, were the Arab Spring engineers aware what great challenges nourishing democracy in the Middle East and North Africa would entail?

Naivety, ignorance or both?

After decades of strong American involvement, manipulation or engineering – however it might be perceived – in the Middle East and Northern Africa, the strong dictators of yesterday were all replaced with structures difficult to be described either as nation or state. Libya is still trying to forge some sort of an effective governance years after the brutal murder of Colonel Moammar Gadhafi. After the removal of Hosni Mobarak, Egypt initially was taken over by Muslim Brotherhood, the sole organized power apart the National Democratic Party. Within a year Muslim Brotherhood regime and President Mohammad Morsi was removed from power with a military coup – believed to be engineered and supported by the Israelis and the USA. The invasion of Iraq was supposedly aimed at finding and liquidating the weapons of mass destruction dictator Saddam Hussein possessed. Iraq was levelled, entire government setup was destroyed and the country was left with an acute inefficient governance… Weapons of mass destruction the evidence of which were proudly declared by American secretary of state at the UN Security Council turned to be nothing further than fabrication. Yet, Iraq was transformed into an uneasy federation, with Kurds enjoying advanced autonomy. Repeated efforts to destabilize and “democraticise” Iran so far failed, even the Azeri minority could not be convinced to rebel against the Mullahs.

The decision of American President Donald Trump to pack up and leave Syria within several months was of course an alarming development for the Kurds who despite being betrayed by foreign abettors each and every time all along the past many decades believed once again they could carve out from Syria a state if not an autonomous self-administering zone. If the Kurds of Iraq, with the help of Americans achieved it, why would not Syrian Kurds succeed? One factor was largely ignored. Iraqi Kurds developed into a self-governing autonomous region because of Turkish collaboration – despite occasional differences of approach – with the United States from 1993 onwards. Yet, no one can turn a blind eye to the threat posed by the development of an autonomous northern Iraqi Kurdish region to Turkey’s own national and territorial integrity. If a Kurdish autonomous, or independent region is to be carved out of Syria Turkey might end up having an over 900 kilometer-long border with a belt of Kurdish entities, if not a full-fledged state with territorial demands from Turkey.

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Therefore, it is rather absurd to assume that with Americans withdrawing from Northern Syria – if they indeed eventually withdraw – Turkey might engage in a merciless war of annihilation. While Ankara cannot allow creation of a Kurdish state in northern Iraq particularly while the Kurdish groups there continue maintaining organic relations with the separatist Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) gang, it cannot either undertake any move without considering domestic repercussions being the country with highest Kurdish population. Thus, it is rather difficult to talk about Turkey’s preparedness to engage in a military operation towards the east of River Euphrates without touching on the terms of national security, existential threats and similar things. Equally, the issue cannot be discussed if the Kurdish issue is to be ignored or not visited with a realistic approach.

The Kurdish population is divided, segmented and dispersed. Syria, Iraq, Iran and Turkey, among many other smaller nations, have Kurdish groups whose presence cannot be described adequately with the West’s minority-majority notion. Each country has its own uniqueness and ethnic groups, forming modern nations which have developed a sense of togetherness spanning centuries. Except the religious-ethnic divide, which unfortunately was made all the more blatant with the sad events of the 19th century, various ethnic, linguistic and cultural elements have become flesh and blood, an integrated one with the amalgam effect of the centuries spent together. Of course, no one can claim the decades of “nation-building” succeeded in full and all the differences have vanished, but particularly in central and western parts of Turkey, it is rather difficult to identify who is a Turk and who is a Kurd. In eastern and southeastern Anatolia, very much like the northern parts of Iraq, Syria and Iran, however, “assimilation” could not progress for various geographic, social and historical factors and what ought to have become the sub-identity remained as the first identity.

Put aside exaggerated or downsized estimations about the percentage of Kurds in the Turkish society it is a fact that Turkey has the largest number of Kurds. Their size or what percentage they constitute in the modern Turkish society are irrelevant, as Kurds are Turks and Turks are Kurds; they have largely become an integrated one. Some portions of the Kurdish population, particularly those in eastern and southeastern parts, have difficulties living like the first-class citizens of this country. The linguistic, cultural and, to some degree, the political problems the Kurdish people of this country are indeed a part of the overall democratization problem of Turkey which must be urgently addressed without compromising national and territorial integrity.

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Is there any difference between the Kurd of Ankara and the Kurd of any small town in the eastern part of Euphrates in Syria? Apart from one being a Turkish citizen and the other a Syrian citizen, they are almost the same and proudly share the same ethnic and cultural background. Like ethnic Turkish or ethnic Arab groups living outside of Turkey, they are the relatives of this country that belongs to the Turks, Kurds and Arabs, as well as of course the Christian Greek, Armenian and Assyrian people. Losing this conviction would deprive Turkey of its rich cultural heritage and condemn it to a petty and desolate nation status.

Before Trump’s force withdrawal statement it was often stressed by Turks that “Americans, Israel or Turkey’s Western allies, seeking a belt of independent Kurdish statelets along Turkey’s eastern and southeastern borders cannot conform to the notion of alliance or concept of building a common better and secure future. If a handful of people in northern Syria are to be used by the Americans to advance their and the Israeli campaign against Iran under the disguise of fighting ISIL, and if such a formation might pose a threat for the national and territorial integrity of Turkey, should Turkey abide by the notion of alliance and turn the other cheek? What would the Americans, French, British or the Israelis do if they faced a similar threat?”

Now, if the US eventually withdraws from Northern Iraq Turkey may decide to make best use of the advantage and engage in an all-out operation towards the region. Russian-backed Assad administration of Syria might attempt to make best use of the situation and enhance its area of control. But, the eventual determining factor will be the fate of the American arms and ammunition provided to the Syria Kurds in full ignorance of Turkey’s repeated warnings of organic relations between those groups and the PKK gang. If the US withdraws and laves heavy weaponry and ammunition it provided with the Kurds, no one should expect Turkey to sit idle and allow such a capability unleash deadly attacks on Turkish targets.

About The Author

Yusuf Kanli

Born in Cyprus in 1959, Yusuf Kanlı is a graduate of the English Language and Literature Department of the Faculty of Letters of the Ankara University. He started journalism with the Turkish Daily News in 1978. Until he briefly left the paper in 1985 (for military service in Northern Cyprus) he served as diplomatic correspondent, assistant foreign news editor and assistant editor. During this period he was as well one of the two co-authors of an annual reference book on Turkey, “Turkey Almanac”. After completing his military service he returned the Daily News as assistant editor. In 1989 he became executive editor and also started writing daily opinion articles. He continued to be one of the co-authors of the “Turkey Almanac” annual reference book. In February 1993, over differences with the publisher on editorial policy, he quit the paper and joined the Anatolia News Agency (AA) as deputy foreign news chief. He stayed with the Anatolia News Agency until September 1995. In this period, he covered the Armenia-Azerbaijan war over Nogorno-Karabagh, covered developments in the post-independence Central Asian republics. Because of his refusal as the duty editor to run a manipulated news story demanded by the then lady prime minister of the country, he was fired from the AA, a development that Kanlı considers as his “medal of honor” in the profession. On his return to the Daily News for a third time in October 1995, he first became an editor at large but soon assumed the responsibility of electronic publishing and established Turkey’s first daily updated English language news web site, the TDN Online on May 19, 1996 (now In January 1997, he became executive editor of the Daily News for a second time and stayed in that post until he was appointed as editor-in-chief in June 2004. In February 2007, he quit all executive duties and became a contract columnist of the newspaper. He has been also writing weekly articles in Turkish for a variety of newspapers and news portals in Northern Cyprus. He is a former chairperson and the honorary chairperson of Diplomacy Correspondents Association (DMD) of Turkey, an active member of Association of Foreign Policy Council, a member of the executive board and vice chairperson of the Association of Journalists and coordinator of the Press for Freedom project, which has been monitoring and reporting on press and freedom of expression issues in Turkey since 2013. He has been a member of several associations and foundations, mostly established by Turkish Cypriots living in Turkey or abroad. He is married to Dr. Aydan Kanlı and has one daughter, Cansu. He has Turkish, Turkish Cypriot and Cypriot triple nationality.

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